Behind the scenes at COP28: Leeds student reflects on experience as delegate at climate talks

World leaders have reached a new agreement to tackle climate change in Dubai. COP28, the 28th annual United Nations (UN) climate meeting, brought nations from around the world together to figure out how to deal with the effects of climate change.

The event, which this year was hosted by United Arab Emirates (UAE), took place over two weeks, concluding on December 13.

The University of Leeds, which was an official observer of the event, sent nine delegates including – for the first time – an undergraduate student. 

Vaibhav Pramode Nair, who is only 20-years-old, studies Sustainability and Environmental Management at the School of Earth and Environment and was given rare access to the event. He tells The Gryphon why he went and what he saw at the largest climate summit in the world.

How did you get to attend the conference?

I built relationships within the University of Leeds Priestley Centre for Climate Futures and out of curiosity expressed my interest in wanting to help. I then spoke to the School of Politics and International Studies and told them I live in UAE anyway.

So I pitched the idea and there was a back and forth with emails and we established what I wanted to do at COP28 and met in the middle in terms of what the Priestley Centre was looking for. 

Participants onstage during the Closing Plenary at the UN Climate Change Conference COP28 at Expo City Dubai on December 13, 2023, in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. (Photo by COP28 / Anthony Fleyhan)

Why did you want to go? What priorities did you have going in?

I had lots of things I wanted to focus on! It was a big privilege to be the first undergraduate ever from the University of Leeds to attend. 

I am a big advocate for soil and part of a global movement called Save Soil so my number one priority was to go and engage with soil policy and ensure soil was on the cover text. 

My second priority was youth engagement. How do we get young people from Leeds specifically on board with the COP process and understand there’s a formal way to impact positive climate action? Civil society – campaign groups like Just Stop Oil and Greenpeace – is one part of it but I think students tend to think that’s the only way to impact climate action. There’s a huge demand to bring about climate action but little knowledge there’s a formal way to sit at the negotiation tables and speak to bring about change. So I wanted to go to COP and bring back that experience to the community in Leeds.

My third priority was on following the advancements in terms of the finance front. A big question going into the conference was how do we ensure that climate action is adequately financed and countries pay up?

Can you conceptualise the conference for me, what does it actually look like inside? The University of Leeds is an official observer, what access does that status give you?

At COP there are two zones. The green zone is open to the public and is usually free to enter. In this zone companies set up stalls showcasing their sustainability initiatives. It’s like a trade fare. 

The blue zone is where the real stuff happens. It’s where all the delegates, ministers and heads of state gather for negotiations. We had access to the blue zone, and whilst there are a few sessions that are exclusive to heads of state or environment ministers, we could get into most rooms and observe most meetings. 

EXPO City Dubai is huge! It’s 15,000 daily steps easy without trying too hard.

What did the University of Leeds delegates do whilst you were there?

The University of Leeds mostly sends scientists and researchers who have their own priorities and will follow the negotiations and speak at some events. 

We had nine people go as part of an in-person delegation and another 15 attending online. We didn’t have a stand but each of us had our own issues that we focused on and charted our own schedule. For me, it was youth empowerment and soil so I attended relevant negotiations and events for these topics.

Going in there was some scepticism about the United Arab Emirates hosting the event. It’s a nation that is very dependent on the riches of carbon. Can you give me an idea of the national debate going on within the country at the moment? Is climate action a serious priority or are there still, understandably, concerns about the potential economic impact of changing the status quo?

Post-COP28, if you ask most people around the world, this conference has been a success. Initially, when we entered we thought it would be a finance COP about how we can mobilise finance to support climate initiatives but that was barely seen in the end.

It instead became a fossil fuel COP and the cover text sends a clear message about the desire to move on from fossil fuels. There were also other key outcomes such as the Emirates Declaration on Sustainable Agriculture which put food high on the climate agenda.

Within the UAE there is a celebratory mood. The feeling is that COP28 has created a positive momentum, with the UAE presidency pulling off a successful event and putting out a cover text that is implementable, though of course there is a lot of work to be done and there are sceptics. 

I would say that Dr. Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber (the COP28 president) has silenced his critics because he has come out with a pretty concrete outcome.

United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres addresses the UN Climate Change Conference COP28 at Expo City Dubai on December 1, 2023 / Photograph: COP28

In the text agreement the word ‘soil’ was not mentionedWhat are your thoughts about that? 

Soil is seen as a victim of climate change when it should be seen as a solution and an adaptation of climate change. When we talk about climate, we don’t think of soil, which is the largest terrestrial carbon sink on the planet.

I hope at COP29 we see the declaration taking up the issue of soil seriously. Whilst it’s not on the cover text, I am really happy about the sheer volume of people gravitating towards food systems and agriculture. Never before at a COP has this topic been covered in such depth so I am really glad to see that. 

When you come back to Leeds what is the next step?

We just had a post-conference delegation meeting and spoke about our key takeaways. We will all be writing individual reports about our experience, what we can do better and what the COP29 delegation should be looking out for. I will also be going forward and engaging with young people in Leeds on the COP process. We have some exciting initiatives coming up on how students can engage in the formal process of COP and get their voices heard. 

The United Kingdom hosted COP26 two years ago and was at the forefront of tackling the climate crisis. However, with Rishi Sunak delaying and cancelling green policies such as the ban on petrol and diesel cars do you think the UK is still a global leader? 

I saw first-hand the work that the UK is doing and the work British universities are doing and it is simply phenomenal. The current government might not be up to speed with climate action but it doesn’t give me a reason for discontent because of what I saw at COP28. All the British universities and the UK delegation itself held multiple bilaterals and were very active in negotiations.

“Just another creep in a trench coat” – Wonka Review

Alice Patterson reviews Wonka, discussing the controversy before its release and her impressions following viewing the film on opening day.

I’m not quite sure why I was so immediately filled with dread upon seeing Timothée Chalamet dance his way onto screen in a velvet pink coat and top hat. Perhaps it was the fact that it sounded like Chalamet was doing a bad American accent (despite being American). Maybe it was watching Hugh Grant finally admit defeat and take whatever film offers the biggest paycheque. Nonetheless, there’s no denying that Wonka hasn’t exactly been the most anticipated film of the year – and yet, when I sat down to first write this, I couldn’t quite articulate why.

There’s a lot to unpack as to why people have been so hesitant about Wonka’s success.

The last time the character graced our screens was in the form of Jonny Depp’s eccentric interpretation in the 2005 critically acclaimed classic Charlie and the Chocolate Factory. Considering it was such a critical success, and we live in a culture of endless remakes and prequels, it is unsurprising that people don’t feel the need for another Willy Wonka adaptation.

“He’s [Wonka] definitely a character he [Roald Dahl] felt could exist at different times and different places and… this great storyteller might have not thought this was a terrible idea and be turning in his grave.”

Paul King (Director) speaking on Kermode and Mayo’s Take

I can understand why Timothée Chalamet was cast. He has that slightly wacky aura, both on and off-screen – and yet I think the film would’ve been more successful had they chosen to cast someone unknown. From the trailer alone, you can see Chalamet trying to emulate Depp’s success in playing the part. Most notably, you can hear him mimicking that nonsensical inflection Depp spoke with, which made his Willy Wonka so memorable. Chalamet, despite his best efforts – can’t quite pull this off. It sounds unnatural.

“He [Timothée Chalamet] just feels like Willy Wonka, he’s perfect… and it appealed to him to show some of the things [singing and dancing] he learnt as a kid”

Paul King (Director) in reference to Timothée Chalamet’s childhood musical performances available on YouTube

It is unfair to place hesitancy around the film entirely on Chalamet’s shoulders, though. According to Simon Heritage of The Guardian – writing almost three years before the film’s release date – all he knew about the film was “the fact that it will be terrible”. Heritage points out that Willy Wonka’s character “only truly [succeeds] when he’s kept within the confines of Charlie and the Chocolate Factory.” Charlie and the other children – and thus the audience – look at Wonka in awe as this enigmatic, fantastical God. Give him a backstory and his uncanny, mad-genius-esque nature is erased in the blink of an eye. Willy Wonka just becomes another creep in a trench coat.

All speculating aside, I took myself to see the film upon its release. I walked into Vue at 10am (and was subsequently congratulated by staff for being the first viewer). After the embarrassment subsided, it is undeniable that the film was a fun, festive cinema trip. While I won’t be giving it a full five stars on Letterboxd, it is not without merit. Keegan Michael Key, it must be said, is the best thing about this movie. Fair warning – it is a movie musical. I hadn’t gleaned this from the trailer, so was slightly taken aback when Chalamet started belting from the get-go.

“When I first met him… he went “People don’t realise, I’m a song and dance man”

Simon Farnaby (Screenwriter) quoting Timothée Chalamet (Wonka)

Watching Wonka, I couldn’t help but think about whether you’d consider it a ‘children’s film’ or not. In all fairness, it is rated PG, so I wasn’t exactly expecting graphic violence or nudity. Something about it – the dialogue, maybe, or the somewhat superficially sentimental themes – felt pandering and juvenile. The quality of children’s films has dwindled over the past decade or so. We’ve had some great contributions interspersed – like 2015’s Inside Out or 2017’s Paddington 2 (directed and written by the team behind Wonka). Long gone are the days, though, when the family genre had something for the entire family, not just the children. The issue doesn’t spring from translating a classic children’s novel onto the screen either. The 2005 Charlie and the Chocolate Factory manages to nod towards some of the stories’ darker, psychedelic undertones while keeping within the children & family genre.

Long story short, Wonka is a charmingly whimsical stocking-stuffer of a film. Scratch the surface and there’s not much underneath, but the first layer is satisfying and tasty enough.

Wonka released on Friday 8th December, currently with an 84% score among critics on Rotten Tomatoes.

“Quiet up, and listen down” – Wonka’s infamous first trailer

The Resurgence of Fascism in Europe: A Disturbing Trend Unveiled

If you take a look at Europe’s political state in 2023, don’t be surprised if you find relics of the early 20th century staring you down. All around, there’s been a sudden but steady rise in far-right nationalist movements claiming to bring freedom to the masses. Dubious anti-immigration rhetoric, strong anti-LGBTQ+ views and fierce Eurosceptic beliefs are some of the values these far-right parties are preaching. 

November 2023 brought, amongst other things, the election of a new Dutch prime minister, Geert Wilders. His far-right party is known for anti-Islam and anti-immigration views, as well as their strong Euroscepticism as they appeal for the Netherlands to leave the EU. His party is one of many far-right parties climbing to power in Europe.

In 2022, Italy’s largest political party led by Giorgia Meloni won the general elections, making her the current prime minister of Italy. Her party, Brothers of Italy, denies its Fascist roots and is known for its anti-immigration, anti-EU and extreme nationalist views. In her race to election, Meloni downplayed her party’s Neo-fascist roots, she banned the use of the straight arm salute which some likened to the “Hitler salute” of the Third Reich, and she pushed forth her very popular anti-LGBTQ+ agenda. All this brought her election as Italy’s first female prime minister and leader of Italy’s first far-right government since World War II.

In Italy, a mix of economic problems and the refugee crisis offered fertile ground for ultranationalist sentiments. Sweden and the Netherlands are also being ruled by far-right parties as they grapple with a clash between multiculturalism and a desire for preservation of national identity. 

Romania’s rising right-wing, populist and nationalist party is one of great concern to me. Beautifully named the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (or AUR, meaning “gold” in Romanian), it has nothing to do with unity or love for your compatriots. Its leader, George Simion, boasts of trying to unite Romanians living all over the globe while in the same breath demonizing Hungarians living in central and northern Romania. Speaking of Hungary, their prime minister, Viktor Orbán, has been openly making neo-Nazi statements and pushing for limitation of the free press.

The historical wounds of these nations also play a role. In Romania, the memory of authoritarian regimes intertwines with the search for identity post-communism. According to a poll done by Avangarde, 36% of the voters of Romania’s far-right party are aged 18-36, their biggest percentage. In a country where ex-communist leaders are still heads of government 30 years after the fall of communism, it’s easy to see why young people feel desperate to rewrite their stories. 

So why are so many people pushing for a regression in openness and more laws against diversity? Is it the case that the pendulum has swung too far into the direction of liberalism or are these strong nationalist sentiments a result of a never before seen increase in immigrants entering Europe?

A 2019 study from politico.eu looked at trends among voters for the European Parliament. “In most EU countries voters picked migration as a top political issue ahead of the European Parliament election,” says the article. It also cites that “Voters in most EU countries listed terrorism as the greatest threat to the bloc.” To put this into perspective, “2.3 million immigrants entered the EU from non-EU countries in 2021, an increase of almost 18% compared with 2020,” according to the European Commission.

This focus on migration serves as a concerning barometer for the rise of racist, Islamophobic and xenophobic sentiments across the continent. The fact that voters in various EU nations listed migration as a primary concern suggests a deep-seated apprehension towards immigrants and refugees, often fueled by narratives perpetuated by far-right groups linking migration to terrorism and posing it as a threat to Europe’s stability. This disproportionate emphasis on migration as a pivotal political issue not only reflects a concerning trend but also amplifies the growing influence of discriminatory ideologies, contributing to the normalization of xenophobic and prejudicial attitudes towards marginalized communities within Europe. One only has to take a look at France’s far-right movement and their strong opinions against the hijab to comprehend the amount of hatred this type of propaganda brings.

The UK’s recent partnership with Rwanda to stop migrants from entering through the English Channel further proves the amount of xenophobia present in Europe right now. This contentious move by the UK government has been met with widespread criticism, deemed by some as an act of irresponsibility and a diversion from pressing domestic issues. Labour Party leaders and former heads have decried the policy as unworkable, extortionate, and fundamentally cruel.

This hatred toward immigrants only invalidates the natural flow of human migration and economic mobility within the continent but also underscores the vital role of migrants in the workforce and in sustaining the economy. Take, for instance, the mass movement of lower-class workers from Romania seeking opportunities in the West; this opens up low-paid jobs for immigrants in Romania searching for jobs in Europe. The whole system is rigged against the lower class and enables governments to treat human beings like cattle to be moved from country to country.

There is no denying that the push towards liberalism has, paradoxically, catalyzed the emergence of strong opposition. This growing divide between the two ideological sides has created an atmosphere of intensified confrontation, escalating tensions, and reinforcing the radicalization of both ends of the spectrum. At the end of the day, this deepening divide echoes some of Europe’s dark past, suggesting a bleak future for democracy.

Just How Safe is Rwanda for Migrants?

Having already spent £240 million on the Rwanda asylum plan, the UK government remains committed to ensuring the migration ‘Memorandum of Understanding’ between the UK and Rwanda can be put into action.

Attempting to ‘Stop the Boats’ (in the words of Prime Minister Rishi Sunak), if successful, would be a partnership between the UK and Rwanda that aims to reduce illegal immigration across the Channel to the UK, by redirecting the migrants who arrive via boat to Rwanda instead.

However, on the 15th of November 2023 the UK Supreme Court ruled that the UK Government’s Rwanda asylum plan was ‘unlawful’. The ruling was based on the asylum plan being liable to ‘refoulement’ in international law– the concept of refugees being sent to a country in which they are subject to the possibility of degrading or inhumane treatment. Seen as the ‘cornerstone’ of the UNHCR 1951 Refugee Convention, article 33 states that refugees must not be sent to a country in which they face serious challenges to their human rights. 

The UK is also a signatory of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), prohibiting inhumane treatment and torture, as well as discrimination and the oppression of the freedom of religion and thought – binding the UK to accountability for human rights.

Unable to guarantee that migrants sent to Rwanda would not then be returned to countries in which they faced serious threats to their human rights, the Memorandum was therefore ruled as ‘unlawful’ and in violation of international law.

Undeterred in light of this ruling, the UK Government announced the UK-Rwanda Treaty on the 5th of December 2023, swiftly followed by the introduction of the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Migration) Bill one day later. The Bill, if ratified by the House of Commons and the House of Lords, will define Rwanda as a ‘safe country’ under UK domestic law. It defines a ‘safe country’ as one which will not return people to another country in ‘contravention of any international law’ – upholding an agreement that refugees will remain in Rwanda or if returned to other countries, will not be placed in a situation which threatens their human rights. The Bill further dictates that this recognition of Rwanda as a ‘safe country’ will remain unaffected by international law – denying other nations or international organisations the ability to question the validity of Rwanda as a ‘safe country’.

If the Bill is passed, this will leave us with the question of just how safe is Rwanda for its prospective migrants?

In its constitution, Rwanda prohibits discrimination on the grounds of ‘ethnic origin, tribe, clan, colour, sex, region, social origin, religion or faith, opinion, economic status, culture, language, social status, physical or mental disability’. The prohibition of discrimination on such wide-ranging grounds is comforting to see for a state potentially about to gain the status of a ‘safe country’. However, despite this constitutional commitment to human rights, there are concerns of numerous human rights breaches in Rwanda, both past and ongoing.

Following the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, leading to approximately 800 000 civilian deaths, international organisation Human Rights Watch has assessed the protection and violation of human rights in Rwanda.

A letter written by Human Rights Watch to the UK Home Secretary in June 2022 outlines a list of ongoing human rights violations in Rwanda which dispute its credibility as a ‘safe country’.

Since 2006, vulnerable groups such as homeless people and children, as well as sex workers have been detained in Gikondo by Rwandan authorities. Those perceived to be ‘delinquents’ are detained, a fact which was recognised by the UK Government, but disregarded as an event of 2020 rather than the present day. 

In 2018, Congolese refugees from the war between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda were shot at and killed during a peaceful protest against the reduction of their food rations. A clear violation of the freedom of political expression, it is clear that previous refugees in Rwanda have experienced state violence and an encroachment of their human rights.

Perhaps most concerning is the UK Government’s current and open acknowledgement of state discrimination against the LGBTQ+ community in Rwanda, contradicting its own constitution. Covered under the UK Government’s travel advice for Rwanda, the Foreign Office recognises that despite homosexuality being legal in Rwanda, ‘LGBT individuals can experience discrimination and abuse, including from local authorities’.

It is clear to see that Rwanda is not as safe as the UK government states. The documentation of present-day human rights abuses is alarming, and equally alarming is the willingness of the UK Government to endorse a country in which such abuses are taking place.

If the Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Migration) Bill is passed, it is highly possible that, as the UK Supreme Court feared, refugees sent to Rwanda will face serious challenges to their human rights.

“They arrived at the festival and never went home”: Leeds Festival dealers jailed after police sting

Two men have been sent to prison after they pleaded guilty to dealing cocaine, MDMA and ketamine at Leeds Festival this Summer.

20-year-old Joshua Hague and 18-year-old Wade Taylor from Barnsley were caught by West Yorkshire Police storing drugs in their tents with an estimated value of £32,270.

They were part of a larger group that tried to flee from the police when suspected at the festival and have been detained by the police since their arrests in late August.

Hague pleaded guilty to two counts of possession with intent to supply whilst Taylor pleaded guilty to three counts. They will both spend the 45 months in a young offender’s prison.

Their case follows several other sentences made in October to men possessing Class A and Class B drugs. 

Overall, 56 people were arrested at the festival for possessing or supplying drugs.

West Yorkshire Police confiscated 417 MDMA pills, 160g of cocaine and 236g of ketamine from people at the festival.

Although drugs are strictly forbidden at the festival, the festival website encourages anyone who has taken drugs and is worried or feels unwell to find the drug advisory staff located in the medical tent. 

In 2022, 16-year-old David Celino passed away after taking MDMA bought at the festival. Sniffer dogs at the festival entrances were introduced because of this. 

The festival also uses the stage screens to display images of pills that people who are unwell in the medical tent have taken, in hopes of warning others.

The West Yorkshire Police Superintendent hopes that these sentences will “serve as a very strong deterrent” to those thinking of dealing drugs at the 2024 festival.

“They arrived at the festival site in August to cynically make money from selling drugs, but they never went home and are now starting lengthy periods in prison”.

Flare: Your Student Safety Companion

Our sense of safety and security is something we often take for granted until it is taken from us. In the blink of an eye, spaces previously comfortable and familiar can be transformed into strange and dangerous territories. University campuses and communities are no different.

The irregular schedule and busy life of a student often sees us working anti-social hours and travelling alone. Leaving the library late and walking home after dark is a regular occurrence, and 9 times out of 10, we encounter no problems.

But what about that 1 in 10 instance where something does go wrong? What then?

Seeking to answer that question is Gabriel Brown, Morgan Saville and Geno Racklin Asher, a team of recent graduates from Cambridge University’s Kings College.

Together, the team created Flare, an emergency SOS app, which allows users to instantly send a pre-customised emergency text to trusted contacts by simply swiping or pressing the Flare notification on their lock screen.

The app has been designed with students in mind and aims to improve safety on and around campuses. In light of this, it is important to take a look at the figures supporting the push for additional protective measures.

Data collected by the Office for National Statistics reveals that for the period between March 2018 and March 2020, students were more than 3 times more likely than the average person to experience sexual assault. The Unsafe Spaces report 2020, an investigation into sexual abuse at English and Welsh universities, estimated that on average, 50,000 incidents of sexual abuse and harassment occur at universities each year. Whilst data most commonly records crimes of a sexual nature, other crimes, such as theft, also largely impact student areas.

Although statistics somewhat reveal the extent to which students are at risk, they do not accurately reflect the whole picture. Research by NUS in 2019 found that only 14% of students who experienced sexual misconduct at university reported the incident, and of this number, only one in five told their college or university.

Flare stands out as a valuable safety-companion for students due to its accessibility and convenience, and this has not gone unnoticed by universities across the UK. Societies and student unions are sharing in Flare’s mission to make campuses safer by partnering and sitting on Flare’s Advisory Board, which will meet regularly to discuss student safety on campus how Flare can help.

Amongst the app’s partners are Leeds’s very own, University Commuters’ Society, and the Society Against Sexual Harassment and Assault (SASHA.) The Leeds University Commuters’ Society supports students who live at home or commute into university, aiming to foster a sense of community and accessibility. Flare represents an important opportunity to enhance student safety when getting to and from campus, and CEO and Co-Founder Gabriel Brown believes, “that Flare’s technology will play a crucial role in ensuring that commuter students are secure and supported.”

SASHA advocates for increased awareness of sexual assault and rape culture at universities, by providing a safe space for students to share their experiences and to meet a community of survivors.

SASHA’s Secretary, Kay Corbin, spearheaded the society’s partnership with Flare, and explained: “SASHA is incredibly excited to begin working with Flare, a company whose remarkable dedication to enhancing personal safety perfectly complements our mission. This partnership represents a pivotal moment for us, as it strengthens our ability to serve and protect our student community. Flare’s innovative solutions and proactive approach align seamlessly with our commitment to student support. We are confident that this collaboration will help us foster a culture of safety and well-being within the student community, setting new standards for student security.”

Flare can of course be used in conjunction with calling 999, but what makes it unique is its ability to act as a middle ground between feeling threatened and contacting the emergency services. By allowing users to let trusted contacts know of their location, it is an extremely valuable tool in instances where the police may not be needed, but the user feels at risk.

Discussing the collaboration between Flare and universities across the country, Gabriel, emphasised that, “Flare isn’t just an app; it’s a movement that is all about creating safer communities. We’re thrilled to see the positive response from the student community, and we are committed to continuously enhancing Flare to champion safety in university communities.”

Unfortunately, feeling unsafe at and around university is a shared experience for many students, but the partnerships between Flare and the Leeds University Commuters’ Society and SASHA signify a positive step in the journey towards making our campus and city a safer place for everybody. The Flare app can be download for free on both iOS and Android:

iOS: https://apps.apple.com/gb/app/flare-stay-safe/id6461013913

Android: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=cx.cause.emergency

Or you can visit the Flare website for further information: www.flare.cx

For more information on the Leeds University Commuters’ Society or SASHA, visit:

https://engage.luu.org.uk/groups/Q93/commuters

https://sashaleedsuni.wixsite.com/sashaluu/about

Or find them on their social media @leedscommuters @sasha_uol

Danish Winter

Denmark, Finland, Iceland, and Norway all rank high in the global happiness index, reporting high feelings of community, social support, safety, and generosity. It seems that in Scandinavia they have figured out the secret to being happy, and everyone wants it.  

When I arrived in Copenhagen in the height of summer, it did not surprise me in the slightest that Scandinavian countries ranked so high in terms of contentment. Danish people pay high taxes and are therefore entitled to free healthcare, childcare and university. But more than that, Danish summers consist of long days with hours of sunshine; you can’t help but want to be outside.  

Picture this, I lived a ten-minute cycle from the beach, and was enjoying weeks of sunshine that showed no signs of ending. The sun did not set until 10pm and when it did, it left an orange dusk that could be enjoyed for hours. The novelty of riding a bicycle around a new city had not worn off, (I’ll let you know if it does [update: it is 0 degrees]) especially when riding into a soft breeze which had the pleasant effect of cooling you down on a hot day. It seemed obvious to me why the Danes were so happy, anyone would be! 

Now it is December, and that picture looks very different. The downside of living near the beach (in fact, living on an island) is that whichever direction you cycle in, the wind is against you. This has made getting places a little trickier. The sun sets at 3pm and does not rise again until 9am, and it is starting to get very, very cold.  

So, one day, I asked my Danish professor: “How do the Danes stay happy when it’s cold and dark and rainy?” In my head, the weather dictated everyone’s mood, and I could not understand why everybody still seemed to be getting about their lives like nothing had changed.  

The answer was very simple and very Danish, “We just accept it”. Perhaps a little unhelpful, she later explained that accepting it meant a few different things, but mostly centred around this idea of hygge, which means cosiness. For example, candlelit dinner with a few friends could be described as hyggelig. But hygge can also be slowness, simplicity, and comfort. Coming from Simone, the certified Dane in my life, hygge is: “candles, warm sweaters, fireplace and such – I’m always happy to be able to wear my sweaters and coats again and – hyggestrømper (fuzzy socks)!” 

Friday, Saturday, and Sunday students come to the most popular spot: Bastards Café to drink cheap beer and play over 5000 different games with each other. To me, board games remind me of arguments at Christmas with my family, however, the Danes can make anything seem cool, and social events taking place in cosy, warm bars playing wholesome board games is very hygge. 

Globally, nobody uses as many candles as the Danes. Christmas celebrations start early in Copenhagen. The city at night is illuminated with metres and metres of string lights, and it is a good rule of thumb to never turn on the main light.  

Winter bathing is the act of voluntarily going swimming in winter and (if possible) getting in a sauna straight afterwards. In Copenhagen, the harbour is a very popular place to swim all year round, but my favourite place to go is Amager Strandpark Beach. The sandy beach is over a mile long and on a clear day you can see all the way to Sweden.  

The idea of hygge is idealised outside of Denmark as this perfect recipe for dealing with the cold and dark. Yet many of the Danes I spoke to accurately described the symptoms of Seasonal Affective Disorder and often sighed and explained that they just wait until Spring when they feel happy again. It is not a one-size fits all. 

However, there are a few things I have picked up in Copenhagen as the days have gotten shorter. I have promised myself that this year I will embrace the cold and darkness, wrap up warm in my hyggestromper, and maybe even brave a swim in zero degrees!