Linguicide and subordination: Belarus in the palm of Russia

On 26 January, Alexander Lukashenko was re-elected as president of Belarus, assuming office for the seventh consecutive term since his election in 1994; the only one not widely described as a sham. ‘Europe’s last dictator’ has overseen the bleaching of the Belarussian language and culture, as well as economic and political independence, in favour of Russification. 

History

Much of the area of today’s Belarus came under Russian jurisdiction as part of numerous cessions from Poland throughout the eighteenth century, although the area already had its own distinct cultural and linguistic identity. The Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) was declared in 1919 following the Bolshevik Revolution.

Soviet rule russified Belarus. Rebels and intellectuals were purged, nationalism was strongly discouraged, and Belarusian was relegated to a language primarily spoken in rural areas, and became caricatured as an “uncultured, rural language of rural people.”

Like Russian, Belarus is an East Slavic language. It shares some grammatical structures with Russian, but with considerably different vocabulary, it is more similar to Polish and Ukrainian.

After independence in 1991, the language underwent a brief renaissance through the government policy of Belarus-isation, with actions such as the 1990 Language Law and the 1991 Law of Culture aimed at preserving and promoting the Belarusian language and culture.

Current Society

However, Lukashenko’s 1994 accession to power saw a return to antecedent Russification, beginning with Russian being granted the same official status as Belarussian. Lukashenko’s linguicide invaded all areas of life. For instance, in the field of education, 10.2% of primary and secondary students are taught in Belarusian, as opposed to 1990, when all public institutions were obliged to speak in Belarusian. A 2023 law removed the right to education in linguistic minority languages. Russian dominates official business, book-printing, media, and Lukashenko addresses his nation in Russian.

Throughout his 2023 trial, human rights activist Ales Bialiatski requested it be conducted in Belarusian. He was refused, and the Nobel Peace Prize winner was ultimately sentenced to 10 years in prison. Speaking Belarusian is seen as a sign of dissidence, and speakers have been fined, arrested, and imprisoned. 

The preservation of minority languages is crucial in any instance, as language is intrinsically linked with cultural identity. Exiled leader of the Belarusian opposition Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya describes Belarusian national identity, culture, and language as “our strongest weapon against the Russian world.” 

Economy and Politics

Lukashenko’s relationship with Putin has fluctuated throughout his reign, but his spine has softened and his rhetoric has become an echo of that of Putin. In 2006, he stated, “nothing great can be expressed in Belarusian…There are only two great languages in the world: Russian and English”. Whilst this policy is a blatant beguiling of Putin to maintain the relationship, as the regime depends on Kremlin funding, Lukashenko comes from a Russian-speaking, Soviet-loyalist family, and so grew up fearing ethnic nationalism and separatism in the USSR. In 1991, Lukashenko was the only Belarusian deputy to vote against the dissolution of the USSR.

The two nations’ roots continue to fervently intertwine. In the economic sphere, for instance, an integrated system of indirect tax administration was ratified in 2022, and a similar system for direct tax administration is planned, a system by which Belarusian taxes are synchronised to those of Russia; a de facto attack on Belarusian economic sovereignty. 

In terms of politics, Lukashenko is Putin’s imitation, sharing characteristics of their dictatorships, such as the cult of personality, vanishing opponents, fraudulent elections, total control of the media, and ambitious mourning of the Soviet Union. While some make the argument that Belarus is also dependent on Russia in the realm of politics, others claim Putin’s tactical inspiration from Lukashenko, such as the tactic of providing economic and social security in return for unwavering loyalty. The two are twinlike, and such aspects of each regime are evident in the other.

Ukraine

It remains unclear whether Lukashenko acted as Putin’s accomplice or shadow in beginning the aggression against Ukraine. He has distorted his justification, stating both that he was informed shortly before and had no involvement, but also that Ukraine was preparing to attack Belarus, leaving Russia no choice.

In the wake of European sanctions, Belarus is almost entirely dependent on Russia. Russia has kept nuclear weapons in Belarus since 2023, with some arguing this as evidence of diminishing status towards a puppet state. Russian troops travelled through Belarusian territory to attack Ukraine, as Kyiv is closer to Belarus than to Russia, although Russian forces withdrew from northern Ukraine two months into the conflict. Belarusian troops have fought alongside Russian troops since the outbreak, and Lukashenko ordered joint deployment in October 2022.

Belarus’ implication includes war crimes such as the abduction of Ukrainian children, of which around 2,100 are held in Belarusian camps.

The Belarusian language, culture, and identity are under threat from the nation’s own leader. Members of Lukashenko’s administration worked to alter public perception of Belarusian history, and the justice system is abused to suppress dissent. However, the people of Belarus are not idle, with 2020 seeing the largest anti-government protests in the country’s history following Lukashenko’s election to a sixth term. Although the regime maintains control through inhumane means, the torture of arrested peaceful protestors will not eradicate dissent.

In linking the Belarusian language to democratic opposition, a number of revitalisation efforts are in motion, such as those of ‘Pen Belarus’, including the protection of imprisoned Belarusian language writers and advocacy efforts.

Ultimately, the preservation of the Belarusian language is not only crucial for the people to maintain their culture but is also a vital tool in pro-democratic resistance. 

Words by Daniel Spencer